U.S. Boat Strikes Tracker — Operation Southern Spear (Caribbean & Eastern Pacific)
A living reference document. Updated periodically as new strikes are reported. Civilian casualties, legal arguments, and chain-of-command identities all draw on public reporting and primary documents listed at the bottom of this page.
Last updated: 2026-06-15 (covers strikes through approximately June 3, 2026)
1. Incident log
Aggregate counts (as of June 3, 2026)
| Metric | Value | Source |
|---|---|---|
| Total strikes | 63 (on 64 vessels) | Wikipedia/Just Security/Airwars |
| Killed (confirmed) | ~192 | Wikipedia |
| Missing, presumed dead | ~15 | Wikipedia |
| Total deaths and presumed deaths | ~207 | Wikipedia |
| Known survivors | 3 | Just Security timeline |
| Strikes in Caribbean Sea | 15+ | Wikipedia |
| Strikes in Eastern Pacific | 31+ | Wikipedia |
| Strikes in unspecified/other locations | 2 | Wikipedia |
| First strike | September 2, 2025 (Caribbean) | Defense Dept / NYT |
| Carrier strike group deployed | USS Gerald R. Ford strike group, October 2025 | Wikipedia / CFR |
| First American casualty | Lance Cpl. Chukwuemeka E. Oforah, 21, died Feb. 10, 2026 after falling from USS Iwo Jima on Feb. 7, 2026 | Just Security timeline |
Selected, individually documented strikes
The following are individually documented in public reporting. The 22 strikes prior to December 4, 2025 are catalogued in the NYT Boat Strike Tracker, Just Security timeline, and Airwars; only milestone incidents are listed here.
| # | Date | Location | Vessel / casualties | Stated reason / target affiliation | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 2025-09-02 | Southern Caribbean (intl. waters off Venezuela) | Small “go-fast” boat; 11 killed | “Narco-terrorist” vessel “affiliated with” Tren de Aragua (FTO) | First lethal strike. White House later confirmed Adm. Frank M. “Mitch” Bradley ordered a second (“follow-on”) strike on survivors; Sen. Tim Kaine: “rises to the level of a war crime if it’s true”; Rep. Mike Turner (R-OH): “if that occurred… that would be an illegal act.” Hegseth and Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell called the Washington Post report “fake news.” |
| 10 | 2025-10-24 | Caribbean | Vessel destroyed; casualties not publicly itemized | Tren de Aragua / “narco-terrorist” | Hegseth post on X: “If you are a narco-terrorist smuggling drugs in our hemisphere, we will treat you like we treat al-Qaeda…we will map your networks, track your people, hunt you down, and kill you.” |
| 12-15 | 2025-10-27 | Eastern Pacific | Four boats struck by missiles; 14 killed, 1 survivor | “Narco-terrorists” | Hegseth personally posted strike video on X. |
| 22 | 2025-12-04 | Eastern Pacific | 4 killed | Designated terrorist organization (DTO) | 22nd strike; tracked in NYT Boat Strike Tracker. |
| 23-25 | 2025-12-15 | Eastern Pacific | 8 killed across three strikes | DTO | “Three boats in one day.” |
| 31-33 | 2025-12-30 | International waters | 3 killed; SAR activated for 8 | DTO | “Most lethal three-day period” per WOLA: 18 deaths in the final three days of December 2025. |
| 39 | 2026-02-13 | Caribbean Sea (between Bequia and Canouan, Grenadines) | 3 killed | DTO | Strike in waters claimed by St. Vincent and the Grenadines; raised sovereignty concerns. |
| 47 | 2026-03-25 | Caribbean Sea | 4 killed | DTO | 47th strike; first SOUTHCOM commander Adm. Holsey had already retired; authorization attributed to Lt. Gen. Donovan. |
| 53 | 2026-04-19 | Caribbean Sea | 3 killed | DTO | Strike continues into Easter weekend. |
| 63 | 2026-06-03 | Eastern Pacific | 2 killed | DTO | 63rd strike per Just Security timeline. |
Vessel typology. Where photographs and after-action descriptions exist, the vessels destroyed have been: open “go-fast” boats (1-3 small outboard engines, common throughout the Caribbean fishing fleet); occasional self-propelled semi-submersibles; at least one fishing vessel; and one Venezuelan oil tanker boarded under a parallel naval quarantine (December 2025) — see United States oil blockade during Operation Southern Spear (Wikipedia).
Casualty identities. The Guardian (May 15, 2026) identified 13 of the people killed in addition to 3 already publicly named; the report found no evidence of drug trafficking involvement for any of the 16 identified people. Governments and families of the victims have said many of the dead were civilians — “primarily fishers.” The U.S. government has not publicly identified any of the people it has killed, has not produced after-action drug or weapons evidence for the public record, and has not opened any victim notification or remains-return process. [NEEDS VERIFICATION: any DoD release of victim identities beyond what families and journalists have surfaced].
2. Legal claims vs. actual law
2.1 What the administration has said publicly
Drawing on the September 4, 2025 War Powers report (the first formal legal articulation), a DOJ Office of Legal Counsel opinion dated on or about September 5, 2025 (text still not publicly released), and subsequent statements by President Trump, Secretary Hegseth, Secretary Rubio, and White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt:
| Claimed authority | Administration’s articulation |
|---|---|
| Article II self-defense (domestic) | The President’s Article II authority as Commander-in-Chief permits lethal force against “imminent” threats to U.S. persons and interests from “narco-terrorists.” |
| International self-defense (UN Charter Art. 51) | U.S. forces acted “pursuant to the United States’ inherent right of self-defense as a matter of international law.” |
| Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) designation | Vessels were “assessed to be affiliated with a designated terrorist organization” — Tren de Aragua (FTO Feb. 2025); later Cartel of the Suns (FTO Nov. 2025). |
| Non-international armed conflict (NIAC) | Implied in subsequent administration legal posture: a NIAC exists between the United States and designated cartels, triggering laws-of-war targeting rules. |
| War Powers Resolution compliance | War Powers report filed within 48 hours of the first strike (compliant with 50 U.S.C. § 1543); administration has resisted any limiting 60-day clock. |
2.2 What the law actually says
| Domain | Actual rule | Conflict with administration position |
|---|---|---|
| UN Charter Art. 2(4) | Members must refrain from threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state. | Strikes occurred in the Caribbean and EEZ/territorial-water proximity of multiple sovereign states (Venezuela, Colombia, Trinidad and Tobago, St. Vincent and the Grenadines). No host-state consent. The Bequia/Canouan strike intruded on the maritime space of an independent state. |
| UN Charter Art. 51 (self-defense) | Permits force only in response to an “armed attack” (or imminent armed attack) attributable to a state or armed group. ICJ jurisprudence (Nicaragua, Oil Platforms) requires necessity and proportionality. | Drug trafficking is not an “armed attack” in international law. No imminent attack by any cartel against the U.S. has been publicly identified. Legal scholars across Just Security, Lawfare, EJIL:Talk!, and Human Rights Watch reject the self-defense framing. |
| Customary law of the sea / UNCLOS | Suspected drug-trafficking vessels are subject to interdiction, boarding, arrest, and prosecution under bilateral and multilateral cooperation agreements. Lethal force on the high seas is permitted only in narrow self-defense circumstances. | The U.S. has long-standing maritime law enforcement partnerships precisely for this scenario. Choosing strikes over interdiction substitutes execution for arrest and rejects the existing legal regime. |
| International Humanitarian Law (laws of armed conflict) | Even assuming a NIAC, IHL requires (a) the targeted group meet the “organization” threshold of a party to a conflict; (b) the targeted individual qualify as a member of an organized armed group with a continuous combat function or be directly participating in hostilities; (c) the strike satisfy distinction, proportionality, and precaution; (d) wounded enemies be collected and cared for (Common Article 3, GC I-IV). | Drug trafficking is a criminal enterprise, not a continuous combat function. The September 2 “follow-on” strike on survivors, if accurately reported, would violate Common Article 3 (which prohibits “violence to life and person… of those placed hors de combat“). The U.S. has produced no public organizational analysis of any targeted cartel as an “armed group.” |
| ICCPR Article 6 (right to life) | Arbitrary deprivation of life is prohibited; lethal force outside armed conflict is governed by law-enforcement standards (necessity, proportionality, last resort). | UN Human Rights Office and special rapporteurs have characterized the strikes as extrajudicial executions. WOLA characterizes them as “extrajudicial executions… evolving into business as usual.” Human Rights Watch reaches the same conclusion. |
| War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. §§ 1541-1548) | The President must terminate use of U.S. armed forces in “hostilities” within 60 days absent congressional authorization. | Administration’s position that an ongoing strike campaign with periodic kinetic engagements does not constitute “hostilities” is untenable on plain text. Two War Powers Act resolutions of disapproval narrowly failed in 2025 and 2026. |
| Foreign Assistance Act § 660 / Murder-for-hire and 18 U.S.C. § 1111 | Federal murder statute applies to U.S. nationals’ killings outside the U.S. of non-combatants. Assassination is prohibited by EO 12333 § 2.11. | If no armed conflict exists, killings of non-combatants on the high seas by U.S. officials are potentially chargeable under § 1111 (jurisdiction under §§ 1111-1113 and the Maritime Drug Law Enforcement Act). |
| Uniform Code of Military Justice | Service members are obligated to refuse “manifestly illegal” orders (UCMJ Art. 92, Art. 118). | Multiple military lawyers and former JAGs have publicly questioned whether the strike orders meet that threshold. Adm. Holsey’s reported objections — and his subsequent early departure — are public evidence that this question was actively contested inside the chain of command. |
| Posse Comitatus Act / Title 10 vs. Title 50 | Restricts domestic military law enforcement; extraterritorial counter-narcotics has historically been Title 10 support to law enforcement, not lethal Title 10 combat. | The administration’s move from interdiction-support to lethal targeting represents a structural break with decades of executive-branch practice. |
2.3 Specific legal-scholar consensus
- Just Security: “Many ways in which the Caribbean strike was unlawful.” Subsequent scholarship: “Asserting a license to kill.”
- Lawfare: First administration legal justification is in “unprecedented — and deeply problematic — legal territory.”
- Human Rights Watch (Dec. 16, 2025 Q&A): Strikes are inconsistent with both IHL and international human rights law.
- WOLA: “Extrajudicial executions.”
- UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights: Strikes violate international law.
2.4 War Powers and Article I
The War Powers Resolution’s 60-day clock began running on or about September 2, 2025. By November 1, 2025, the administration was in unambiguous statutory non-compliance. The Cantwell letter (46 senators, March 11, 2026) explicitly flagged this. Congressional resolutions of disapproval — including one introduced by Sen. Tim Kaine (D-VA) — failed narrowly. No formal AUMF has been enacted for cartels or for Venezuela.
3. Public chain of command
Each individual listed below has been publicly identified in U.S. or international reporting as having authorized, executed, defended, provided legal cover for, or politically enabled the strike campaign. Inclusion here reflects public role, not a finding of guilt.
| # | Name | Public role(s) | Documented connection to strikes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Donald J. Trump | President of the United States; Commander-in-Chief | Designated Tren de Aragua as FTO (Feb. 2025); Cartel of the Suns as FTO (Nov. 2025); signed strike authorizations; publicly contradicted Hegseth on the Sept. 2 follow-on strike, saying he “would not have wanted a second strike.” |
| 2 | JD Vance | Vice President | Cast tiebreaking vote to confirm Hegseth as SecDef (unique in modern history); participant in the “Houthi PC small group” Signal chat documented by The Atlantic; consistent public defender of the campaign. |
| 3 | Pete Hegseth | Secretary of Defense (self-titled “Secretary of War”) | Authorized 22+ strikes through Dec. 5, 2025; issued the verbal order to Adm. Bradley for the Sept. 2 follow-on strike per the White House Press Secretary’s public statement; personally posted strike video on X (Oct. 27); claimed strike authority extends “like we treat al-Qaeda.” See Pete Hegseth — Former Fox News Host; U.S. Secretary of Defense. |
| 4 | Gen. Dan Caine | Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff | Presided over the Dec. 12, 2025 SOUTHCOM change-of-command ceremony for Holsey → Pettus; signaled organizational continuity for the strike campaign. |
| 5 | Adm. Alvin Holsey | Commander, U.S. Southern Command (until Dec. 12, 2025) | Per reporting, raised concerns about the legal authority for the strike campaign; objected that parts of the operation fell outside his command direction; announced retirement in October 2025 less than a year into a normally three-year posting; departed Dec. 12, 2025. Holsey is the chain-of-command figure who most visibly resisted the campaign. |
| 6 | Lt. Gen. Evan Pettus | Acting Commander, U.S. Southern Command (briefly, Dec. 2025) | Received command at the Dec. 12, 2025 ceremony. |
| 7 | Lt. Gen. Francis L. Donovan | Commander, U.S. Southern Command (nominated Dec. 19, 2025) | Authorized strikes 37 onward (Feb. 2026 to present) per Just Security timeline. |
| 8 | Adm. Frank M. “Mitch” Bradley | Commander, Joint Special Operations Command (Sept. 2, 2025); since Oct. 3, 2025 Commander, U.S. Special Operations Command | Per White House: “Secretary Hegseth authorized Adm. Bradley to conduct these kinetic strikes. Adm. Bradley worked well within his authority” — including the Sept. 2 follow-on strike. Hegseth has defended Bradley publicly on X. Bradley publicly stated there was “no ‘kill them all’ order.” |
| 9 | Marco Rubio | Secretary of State; Acting National Security Advisor | Approved/recommended FTO designations for Tren de Aragua and Cartel of the Suns providing the predicate label for “narco-terrorist” targeting; defends campaign publicly. See Marco Rubio – Secretary of State. |
| 10 | Pam Bondi | Attorney General | DOJ produced the (still-undisclosed) OLC opinion supporting the legal architecture; Bondi has defended the campaign publicly. [NEEDS VERIFICATION: identity of the OLC author and the opinion's docket status] |
| 11 | Karoline Leavitt | White House Press Secretary | Made the on-the-record public statement that “Secretary Hegseth authorized Adm. Bradley to conduct these kinetic strikes.” |
| 12 | Sean Parnell | Pentagon spokesman / Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs | Called accurate Washington Post reporting on the follow-on strike “fabricated” and “fake news.” |
| 13 | Michael Waltz | National Security Advisor (until early 2025); later UN Ambassador-designate | Created the “Houthi PC small group” Signal chat that documented administration national-security decision-making style; relevant pattern evidence for OPSEC and chain-of-command discipline. |
| 14 | Tulsi Gabbard | Director of National Intelligence | DNI of record while the U.S. intelligence community reportedly assessed that the Sept. 2 vessel and others were not affiliated with Tren de Aragua at the level claimed by the administration. |
[NEEDS VERIFICATION]: Pentagon General Counsel of record; SOUTHCOM Staff Judge Advocate; State Department Legal Adviser at time of first strike; specific OLC attorney(s) authoring the September 5, 2025 opinion; named White House Counsel signers.
4. Preliminary legal-exposure matrix
Each row is preliminary and based on public reporting. It assumes facts as reported; a Truth-and-Reconciliation process (or any prosecution) would test those facts under oath.
| Individual | Potentially exposed under | Key facts driving exposure |
|---|---|---|
| Donald J. Trump | Article II abuse / impeachment record; civil suits by family of victims; ICC complaint (non-US national victims); future T&R commission jurisdiction | Signed strike authorizations; FTO designations; admitted in public he “would not have wanted a second strike” — admission of awareness of unlawful conduct downstream |
| Pete Hegseth | 18 U.S.C. § 1111 (murder, extraterritorial jurisdiction); UCMJ Art. 118 (premeditated murder, applies via 10 U.S.C. § 802 to former officers if recalled); UCMJ Art. 92 (failure to obey law/regulation); War Crimes Act of 1996 (18 U.S.C. § 2441) for any Common Article 3 violations; Espionage Act exposure on collateral Signal-chat conduct | Verbal authorization of Sept. 2 follow-on strike per White House; personal celebration of strikes on social media; public claim that the President is not bound by War Powers Act 60-day limit |
| Adm. Frank M. “Mitch” Bradley | UCMJ Art. 118; UCMJ Art. 92 (manifestly illegal order doctrine); War Crimes Act § 2441 (if Common Article 3 violation); admin or congressional officer-grade review | Reportedly issued the Sept. 2 follow-on strike order; publicly denied a “kill them all” order; defended by Hegseth |
| Lt. Gen. Francis L. Donovan | UCMJ Art. 92, Art. 118; War Crimes Act § 2441 | Authorizing official of record for strikes 37+ post-Feb. 2026 |
| Marco Rubio | Civil suits by victims’ families; ICC complaint (FTO designation as the predicate enabler); War Powers Act non-compliance | Architect of the FTO designations that provided the “designated terrorist organization” label used in each strike authorization |
| Pam Bondi | OPR / bar-disciplinary exposure; congressional contempt for failure to produce OLC opinion; T&R subpoena | DOJ’s OLC opinion is the keystone of the domestic-law theory; non-disclosure is itself a constitutional accountability issue |
| Adm. Alvin Holsey | None apparent at present | Reportedly objected internally; his early departure is a defense fact and a key witness role for any T&R process |
| Gen. Dan Caine | UCMJ command-responsibility doctrine; congressional accountability for failure to interpose | Senior uniformed officer responsible for the strike campaign’s integration; his role in any internal legal-review failure is a T&R inquiry priority |
| Karoline Leavitt, Sean Parnell | Limited individual criminal exposure; political/public-trust accountability; T&R fact-witness role | On-the-record public defense statements |
[NEEDS VERIFICATION]: Status of any active Inspector General inquiry at DoD, State, or DOJ; any pending FOIA litigation for the OLC opinion; any civil filing under the Alien Tort Statute, Torture Victim Protection Act, or the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act exceptions.
5. Implications for Truth and Reconciliation
A future U.S. Truth and Reconciliation process — whether convened by Congress, a successor administration, or as an independent statutory commission modeled on the 9/11 Commission — would need to address at minimum:
- Disclosure of the September 5, 2025 OLC opinion and any successor opinions, together with all internal Pentagon, State, and NSC legal review documents.
- Identification of every person killed, with formal notifications to families and a remains-recovery and DNA-confirmation process.
- Per-strike intelligence dossier review — what was actually known at the time about each vessel, who reviewed it, what the standard of confidence was, and what dissent (if any) was recorded inside the intelligence community.
- Sworn testimony from Adm. Holsey, the most visible internal dissenter, as a fact witness on what was approved over his objection and on the legal-review climate inside SOUTHCOM.
- A finding of facts as to whether the September 2 follow-on strike on survivors occurred as reported — the threshold question for the most serious individual exposure on this record.
- Reparations framework for the families of confirmed civilian victims (a precedent exists in post-9/11 settlements with Iraqi and Afghan civilian victims under the Foreign Claims Act).
- A statutory institutional-reform package addressing:
- War Powers Act enforcement (automatic appropriations cutoff at the 60-day mark);
- FTO designation review (independent judicial review of FTO-as-predicate-for-lethal-force theory);
- Title 10 vs. Title 50 boundary (statutory bar on lethal Title 10 action absent IHL-cognizable armed conflict);
- Mandatory disclosure of OLC opinions cited as legal authority for lethal force;
- Statutory civilian-casualty review board with subpoena authority.
This document tracks the factual predicate that any such process would build on.
6. Update protocol
This is a living document.
- Add a new strike: append to the “Selected, individually documented strikes” table, update aggregate counts, and add the date to the relevant section. Cite source.
- Add a new chain-of-command individual: add a row in the chain-of-command table only if the person is publicly named in connection with the campaign. Inclusion threshold = public role, not allegation.
- Update legal section: append new scholarship and government documents; do not delete superseded administration claims — keep them with a strikethrough or “superseded by” note so the record of evolving justifications is preserved.
- Verification tags: replace
[NEEDS VERIFICATION …]only with a citation to a primary or trustworthy secondary source.
When promoted out of _drafts/, this document should be tagged for inclusion in the master timeline repository and surfaced from Pete Hegseth — Former Fox News Host; U.S. Secretary of Defense and Marco Rubio – Secretary of State.
7. Sources
Primary U.S. government documents
- War Powers report to Congress, September 4, 2025 (text published in part by Lawfare)
- DOJ Office of Legal Counsel opinion of on or about September 5, 2025 (text not publicly released)
- Department of Defense / SOUTHCOM press releases and social-media posts (Hegseth on X; Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell statements)
- White House Press Secretary on-the-record statements
- Senate Cantwell letter to Secretary of Defense, March 11, 2026 (46 senators)
- Rep. Hillary Scholten letter to Secretary of Defense, 2026
- War Powers Resolution disapproval votes, Senate and House, 2025-2026
Tracker and reporting projects
- New York Times Boat Strike Tracker
- Just Security — Timeline of Boat Strikes and Related Actions; Collection: U.S. Lethal Strikes on Suspected Drug Traffickers
- Airwars.org — U.S. Military in Latin America and the Caribbean
- WOLA — The “boat strikes” are still happening. Five things you need to know.
- The Guardian (May 15, 2026) — identification of 13 victims, no evidence of trafficking
- Wikipedia — Operation Southern Spear; United States strikes on alleged drug traffickers during Operation Southern Spear; United States military buildup in the Caribbean during Operation Southern Spear; United States oil blockade during Operation Southern Spear
- CSIS — Trump’s Caribbean Campaign: The Data Behind Operation Southern Spear
- Council on Foreign Relations — The U.S. Military Campaign Targeting Venezuela and Nicolás Maduro
- Stars and Stripes — Holsey departure; Sept. 2 follow-on strike reporting
- Military Times / Navy Times — Holsey resignation; Bradley promotion; “no ‘kill them all’ order” hearing
- Britannica — 2025 U.S. Strikes on Venezuelan Vessels
Legal analysis
- Just Security — The Many Ways in Which the Caribbean Strike was Unlawful; Asserting a License to Kill: Why the Caribbean Strike is a Dangerous Departure from the “War on Terror”; Legal Issues Raised by a Lethal U.S. Military Attack in the Caribbean; The International Law Obligation to Investigate the Boat Strikes; Expert Q&A on U.S. Military Actions on Venezuela and Boat Strikes
- Lawfare — Trump Offers First Legal Justification for Venezuela Boat Strike; Did the President’s Strike on Tren de Aragua Violate the Law?
- Human Rights Watch — Q&A: US Military Operations in the Caribbean, Pacific (Dec. 16, 2025)
- WOLA — extrajudicial-executions framing
Patriot University KB cross-references
- Pete Hegseth — Former Fox News Host; U.S. Secretary of Defense — Secretary of Defense, primary authorizing official
- Marco Rubio – Secretary of State — Secretary of State, FTO designation architect
- djt-profile — President, Commander-in-Chief
- alien-enemies-act-1798 — parallel domestic-law theory used against Venezuelans
- Mass Deportation Operations Tracker — related Tren de Aragua-predicate operations
